Bangladesh At Crossroads: Navigating Economic Growth, Environmental Challenges, And Political Tensions

Key Points

• Sheikh Hasina fled Bangladesh after widespread civil unrest, which was sparked by university students protesting against the reservation policies that were introduced. The anger grew and spread into a larger anti-government movement. Moreover, there were rising accusations of authoritarianism and the unrest and violence that was happening got worse. All of this led to Sheikh Hasina fleeing Bangladesh and seeking refuge in India.
• Despite its status as a rapidly expanding economy and its reputation as an emerging powerhouse in Asia, Bangladesh encounters substantial obstacles, notably in ensuring sufficient job opportunities for its young population. The discontent among students, fuelled by the elevated rates of unemployment among graduates, played a role in the demonstrations calling for the elimination of quotas in government employment.
• Bangladesh, a nation with profound historical origins, has achieved great progress in several industries, notably as the second-largest exporter of ready-made clothes and a big contributor to global agriculture. Despite persistent political and social issues, the country has made significant strides in eliminating poverty and fulfilling human development objectives, which has put it on track to become a developed nation.
• Both nations have seen substantial political upheaval, however the characteristics and consequences of this instability vary significantly. Since gaining independence in 1971, Bangladesh has had a persistent problem of instability, characterized by military coups, assassinations, and strong political competition. India's Emergency era (1975–1977) under Indira Gandhi was a short period of authoritarian government driven by personal aspirations. However, it was subsequently replaced by the reinstatement of democratic administration.
• Bangladesh's ongoing political turbulence has severely weakened democratic institutions, resulting in a fragile democracy plagued by voter suppression, electoral fraud, and reduced political liberty. However, although India's democracy was temporarily disrupted during the Emergency, it was able to recover and continue on its democratic path, serving as a cautionary example of the need of maintaining democratic institutions.
• The political volatility in Bangladesh has resulted in significant economic consequences, such as devaluation of the currency, rising prices, and disturbances in vital sectors like textiles. This has impeded the progress of the nation and exacerbated social unrest. However, despite the temporary limitations on civil freedoms and economic policies during India's Emergency era, there was no lasting economic downturn or social instability. As a consequence, after democracy was restored, the nation was able to continue its growth path.

Introduction

Bangladesh's longtime PM, Sheikh Hasina, had quit her position and fled from the country after continuous and frequent protests by the students and the civilians against her government. After the time she had left her residence, there was a chaos that was left in the city of Dhaka, and the same increased when protesters started to break into the house of the PM and cause massive destruction and steal valuable goods. On top of the over 90 deaths recorded on Sunday, that day was one of the bloodiest in Bangladesh's recent history of civil unrest. There were at least twenty people who had died fighting.
Sheikh Hasina, who was once celebrated as a pro-democracy figure, has been the subject of increasing criticism for her increasingly authoritarian rule over the course of her 15-year tenure in power. She has now fled from Bangladesh and has sought shelter in India, but it is uncertain whether she will remain there or seek refuge elsewhere.
Initially, the nonviolent demonstrations by university students who were demanding the abolition of quotas in civil service positions marked the beginning of the protests that ultimately caused her demise in early July. A third of the positions were designated for the descendants of veterans from Bangladesh's 1971 war of independence from Pakistan, as per these quotas. It was being stated by the protesting population that the system is discriminatory. The protests rapidly transformed into a more extensive anti-government movement, despite the fact that their demands were largely met. 
Clashes ensued as the unrest spread, resulting in the fatalities of more than 300 individuals. The government of Bangladesh maintained that law enforcement only employed force in self- defence or to safeguard state property, despite the fact that the escalating death toll was attributed to the police by the media and demonstrators.
As the unrest in the country was growing, Sheikh Hasina tried to take charge by cutting off the internet and ways of similar communication in certain regions; she had imposed a national curfew and labelled the protesters as "terrorists" who wanted to make the country less stable; amongst other things, their responses by the ex-PM were also something that made the unrest in the country worse.
The students' underlying dissatisfaction was not without justification, and it did have some genuine merit and substance to it. The country of Bangladesh, despite gaining the status as one of the world's fastest-growing economies, or 'the rising tiger of Asia', was facing rather big challenges in providing adequate employment opportunities to its student population; this was also one of the primary concerns of the university graduates who wanted more employment opportunities for themselves. 
It is estimated that roughly more than 15 million young people, university graduates being most of them, in Bangladesh were looking for work, and it was observed that graduates have greater rates of unemployment compared to their colleagues with lower levels of education. The ambitions of the younger generation were not fully answered by these factory roles, despite the fact that the nation had developed as a prominent player in the ready-to-wear garment sector from a worldwide perspective.
The students' perception that the elimination of quotas in government employment would lead to an increase in the number of job options available to them was a contributing factor in their demand for the repeal of quotas.

Historical Context
The People's Republic of Bangladesh is the official name of Bangladesh (Article 1, the Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, 1972). Bangladesh's history is as primordial as that of India until 1947 and Pakistan until 1971, as it is a part of the ancient Indian subcontinent. On March 26, 1971, Bangladesh attained independence under the name "Bangladesh," which translates to "Country of Bengals" or "Land of Bengals."
Bangladesh seceded from Pakistan on December 16, 1971, following the submission of the Pakistani military in East Pakistan to a joint command between India and Bangladesh. The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has recently designated the historic speech delivered by the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, on March 7, 1971, which contained the Declaration of Independence. This speech has been designated as documentary heritage.
Bangladeshis, the citizens of independent Bangladesh, are extremely proud of their Bangla language, despite the fact that Bangla, the national language of Bangladesh, is the seventh most prevalent language spoken in certain Indian states, including West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura. In the past, the government and authorities of present-day Pakistan had declared Urdu to be the only official language of Bangladesh, which at that time was part of Pakistan.
The decision was met with widespread protest, and on February 21, 1952, a number of students gave their lives and hundreds were injured in an effort to establish Bangla as the official language of the state. This day also got the name of Language Martyr’s Day. As a result of this, it is often said that Bangla is the sole language in the world for which individuals have made the utmost sacrifice of their lives. International Mother Language Day has been commemorated by UNESCO on February 21 since 2000.
Bangladesh is the second-largest Muslim nation, with a population of 165 million. The nation has been recognized as a global paradigm due to its numerous domestic and international accomplishments. After China, it is the second biggest exporter of ready-made clothing worldwide. After India, it is the world's second-largest producer of jute. 
Furthermore, it is the inland freshwater fish producer that ranks fourth in the world. It is the third-fastest vegetable producer in the world, following China and India, with an annual production of 3.7 million metric tons of vegetables. It is the eighth-largest producer of mango in the world. 
Bangladesh was anticipated to rank as the fourth largest paddy producer globally in 2017, according to the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization. The country is establishing itself as a significant participant in the pharmaceutical sector, with a 20% increase in growth and the export of medications to 100 countries due to the patent exemption requirements until 2032.
Although facing significant challenges, the country is making remarkable strides in reducing poverty and advancing human development, positioning it on a trajectory towards becoming a developed nation. Formerly, it had the distinction of being the most populous and economically significant underdeveloped nation. 
In 2015, Bangladesh achieved lower-middle income status according to the World Bank and is currently on course to graduate from the United Nations' list of least developed countries by 2026. The country has pledged to implement the Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations after successfully achieving several Millennium Development Goals, including the reduction of poverty gap ratio, the attainment of gender parity in primary and secondary education, and the reduction of the mortality rate of children under the age of five.

Constitution and History of Governance
Initially, in the year 1972, when the constitution of Bangladesh came into being, the call was for a parliamentary form of government with the president and the PM being chosen by the assembly. Nevertheless, the implementation of this system was significantly disrupted by military coups, with the most notable one occurring in 1975, which marked the beginning of a period of martial law.
The military possessed the actual authority, despite the fact that the government was apparently a hybrid of parliamentary and presidential systems during this period. The nation encountered additional instability and periods of martial law during the 1980s. Finally, the parliamentary system was enacted in the year 1991, and this is when the state was led by the president and the PM was leading the government.
A unicameral parliament with approximately 350 seats, the Jatiya Sangsad (House of the Nation) is Bangladesh's legislative authority. The majority of the seats are filled through direct elections. A portion of these seats are designated for women, who are elected by the parliament. The parliament elects the president, who serves a similar term with a two-term limit, and members of the Jatiya Sangsad serve five-year terms. Finally, the person heading the coalition, or the majority party of the parliament is named as the PM of the country by the President.
In the early 1980s and 1990s, Bangladesh implemented a substantial administrative restructuring that was designed to decentralize authority. This restructuring resulted in the formation of numerous significant divisions, each of which was further divided into zila ("districts"), which were in turn divided into upazila and thana ("small units").
The military possessed the actual authority, despite the fact that the government was apparently a hybrid of parliamentary and presidential systems during this period. The nation encountered additional instability and periods of martial law during the 1980s. The parliamentary system of Bangladesh was not reinstated until 1991, when a president served as the head of state and a prime minister as the head of government.
On August 15, 1975, a contingent of young soldiers forcibly stormed the residence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the inaugural President of Bangladesh, and executed him and his whole family, with the exception of his two daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, who were abroad in Europe at the time. Subsequently, the assassins swiftly proceeded to the radio station and proclaimed Khandkar Moshtaque Ahmed as the President.
Approximately 200 individuals lost their lives on that day after the implementation of a curfew throughout the whole country. The executions served as a catalyst for the first military coup in Bangladesh and signaled a perilous shift in regional politics.
India had become aware, soon after the killing, that the Bangladeshi army had set up border checkpoints at the Khowai border, which lies between Agartala and Brahmanbaria. Subsequently, the borders were closed, prohibiting anybody, even those with valid passports and visas, from entering or exiting Bangladesh.
The Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini (JRB) was officially dissolved, and its members were promptly disarmed. The army was providing security for the JRB and Awami League offices, while photographs of Mujib were being forcefully taken down. In addition to this, the instructions to people were to not participate in any discussions involving Mujib and also to not listen to the All India Radio.
In order to gain sympathy, the army distributed previously stored rice in order to artificially lower the price. Informal studies suggest that 90 percent of the population in Sylhet is satisfied with the current regime. Members of the Hindu community were reportedly threatened by organizations with pro-Pakistani sentiments, causing them to feel anxious and fearful. Officials at the Gandhi Ashram in Noakhali confirmed these instances.

AK Das, the acting high commissioner of India, had a meeting with Moshtaque on 3 September. The agenda in focus was giving priority to the goal of safeguarding the Hindus. Moshtaque acknowledged that some religious leaders propagated communalism and assured that steps would be taken in Noakhali. However, he did not make any specific pledge on the broader problem.
When Das expressed concern about the heightened police and military monitoring targeting the high commission, Moshtaque showed empathy and requested Das to report any particular grievances to him. Moshtaque was straightforward while discussing JRB's future. The mechanisms of checks and balances to counteract the JRB were deemed ineffective, but a decision had not yet been reached on the most optimal way to incorporate its members into the military and paramilitary forces.

India’s Reaction and Other Global Views
India was able to reevaluate its posture as the situation and it became more apparent in the months of September and October. Furthermore, the new leadership was warmly welcomed in the countries of Pakistan, China, and Saudi Arabia, while individuals who were sympathetic to Pakistan and critical of India were appointed. This increased Indian concern regarding Bangladesh's irrevocable loss. 
Following the takeover, Bhutto promptly sent substantial amounts of food grain to Dacca, while Indian diplomats in Peking saw China's response of 'approval tempered with caution'. The Chinese media consistently portrayed Moshtaque in a good light, according to reports. However, complications arose when Riyadh sent a felicitatory telegraph to the mosque of the 'Islamic Republic of Bangladesh' on 17 August. The editorials in Saudi media, written in both Arabic and English, praised Islamic unity and expressed optimism for stronger relations between Pakistan and Bangladesh.
India's administration did not secure any allies for it. The choice to withhold official recognition of the new rule aroused concern, as even prominent Hindu leaders conveyed to India that the silence was seen to have a profound significance. Manoranjan Dhar, the law minister of Bangladesh, visited Calcutta on 9 October.
He informed Indian authorities that while army commanders were not intervening in the daily administration, they were participating in policymaking committees. Pro-Pakistan factions expressed great joy at Mujib's demise and actively promoted divisive and anti-India rhetoric.
Moshtaque, who had strong religious beliefs, allowed clergy to enter his office, a practice that was unprecedented during Mujib's time. Dhar believed that Moshtaque's presidency depended on his skilful management of the conflicting factions inside the military. However, he cautioned that the creation of embassies in Pakistan and China might possibly strengthen anti-India elements and have adverse consequences for Hindus.
Whether all these stories and reports were specifically made with an Indian audience in mind or were representing the actions of ministers correctly, regardless of all of this, the general belief and opinion that was made was that the anti-Indian and the pro-Pakistani forces had taken control over the land.
Currently, opposition to the coup was developing inside and outside the military. Shortly after Mujib's assassination, Indian intelligence received information that student leaders affiliated with the Baksal-supported Jatiya Chhatra League convened a clandestine gathering at Brahmanbaria, located near the border of Tripura. The students were determined to overthrow the Khandkar government and were convinced that the assassination of Mujib was the fault of Moshtaque, who was pro-Pakistan. 
The student troops from Baksal were able to reach Brahmanbaria between August 18 and 20 despite the army's gunfire. The members of the Baksal central committee who disbanded and were able to avoid imprisonment fled and had gone into hiding. India had already anticipated that the preponderance of insurgents or refugees would seek shelter and safety in Agartala. Posters and graffiti demanding retribution for Mujib's assassins were displayed in numerous locations throughout Brahmanbaria shortly after this gathering.
The Chhatra League was establishing its influence. A pro-Mujib militia, under the leadership of Kader 'Tiger' Siddique, was operational in the Mymensingh-Tangail area. According to R&AW's assessment, the central force of this militia consisted of between 1,000 and 3,000 members. The lower number is considered to be more accurate, compared to its previous peak size of 17,000 in 1971. 
While the Kader Bahini was not strong enough to resist the army's pressure, it managed to immobilize portions of the 72nd brigade from Rangpur and the 77th brigade located in Tangail. Siddique was accompanied by the ex-operations head of JRB, who had escaped four days before Mujib's killing, as well as Chittaranjan Suttar, a Hindu legislator with intimate ties to Mujib and India.
Suttar and Mujib were both imprisoned in the 1950s, with Suttar being held in solitary confinement in a cell across from Mujib's. The recruiting and training activities of Shanti Bahini, the militant faction of the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), were further strengthened. The PCJSS, established in 1972 to advocate for the indigenous populations of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), is operational to this day.
The army became more uneasy due to the unfolding events and the potential impact on institutional discipline. Baksal dissidents discovered that several personnel from the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) and the Reserve Police were eager to provide covert or overt assistance to the resistance movement. Informants connected to R&AW said that dissenters were anticipating an "armed revolution." A group of BDR and JRB troops devised a clandestine operation to carry out an unexpected assault against Moshtaque himself.

Analysis Of After Effects of Political Turbulence in India And Bangladesh
Despite the fact that Bangladesh and India have both experienced substantial political turmoil, the nature and repercussions of this instability are significantly different. A comparison of the persistent political instability in Bangladesh and India's Emergency period (1975–1977) reveals that the governance of each country has been significantly influenced by the distinct contexts, causes, and outcomes of each event.
Since gaining independence in 1971, Bangladesh as a country has always faced political instability; its history is marked by periodic military coups, assassinations, and a longstanding competition between political groups. The newly independent country had a succession of military coups, and the same was triggered by the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the same had led to a destabilization.
Following Mujib's death, Bangladesh had over twenty years of political instability, characterized by alternating periods of military rule and weak civilian administrations. This era was marked by the repression of opposition parties, the restriction of political freedoms, and the perpetration of human rights abuses.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party, headed by Khaleda Zia, and the other party, the Awami League, which is headed by Sheikh Hasina, both parties have had a huge imprint and a substantial impact on the country's political landscape. In Bangladesh, the political environment has been polarized by this intense competition and rivalry between both parties, and the same has resulted in many problems for the country's economic and social fabric.
One can gauge or think about the country's economic downfall and the instability in society by looking at the economic downturns and societal instability that have resulted from this rivalry, which have been aggravated by frequent hartals (work stoppages), pervasive demonstrations, and violent confrontations, which have impeded Bangladesh's development and progress.
The public's confidence in democratic institutions has been further eroded by allegations of voter suppression, manipulation, and a lack of transparency in the electoral process in Bangladesh. For example, the 2014 and 2018 elections were extensively criticized for their perceived unfairness, as there were numerous instances of opposition boycotts and pervasive irregularities. 
The political unrest that has emerged from time to time in Bangladesh has been made worse due to the economic difficulties that the country faces. Things like depreciation of the currency, inflation, and complexities in important export industries like textiles have posed serious issues for the country. 
The nation's economic development has been hampered by political unrest that often results in strikes and blockades and disrupts supply chains, making the daily administration or normal day-to-day work very difficult to carry out. Moreover, Bangladesh has seen an increasing influence of extremist Islamist groups, and that has worsened the political instability that has existed in the country, thereby jeopardizing the country's secularity.
There was a threat that Indira Gandhi had felt to her political authority as a Prime Minister, and this had arisen due to a court order that had deemed her election invalid. In response to the same, she implemented what was known as the "Emergency Period" in 1975, and it ended in 1977. This period was one of the most turbulent in India's political history, and it prompted a significant amount of controversy from other political figures, attorneys, and other individuals.
The emergency had resulted in the temporary suspension of civil liberties, the imprisonment of specific political opponents, and the censorship of the press. Additionally, the government implemented mandatory sterilizations and other coercive population control measures during this period, which led to a substantial amount of discontent and foreboding.

Indira Gandhi, who governed by decree, bypassed democratic institutions, and suppressed dissent, was the defining characteristic of the emergency. The press was facing heavy censorship, and the court was suppressed, which essentially prevented any formal criticism from being spoken.
Many see the period as a brief period of authoritarianism along India's generally democratic journey, during which the country's democratic system was only momentarily halted rather than completely destroyed. The emergency period ended when democratic administration was restored after Indira Gandhi's loss in the 1977 general elections. These elections were widely seen as a popular vote against her authoritarian reign, notwithstanding its harshness.
The nature and the aftermath of the crises that happened in India and Bangladesh were distinct; the common thing that had existed in both countries was that they both had experienced a lot of political turbulence. The state of Bangladesh and the instability it faces as a country have been a longstanding issue for many years, and the reasons for the same arise from the economic challenges, military interventions, and intense political rivalries that happen there. 
The democracy and the rights of the people there have frequently been undermined and violated by dictators and similar tendencies. The wrongful use of power by periodically changing dictators has resulted in a fragile democracy in the country. On the other side, if we look at India's emergency, it was a brief period of authoritarian control, and the same was motivated by the personal ambitions of Indira Gandhi. 
The democratic spirit of India did take a hit, but despite the temporary downfall of democracy and such institutions during this turbulent period, India was able to take back the control of the democratic spirit, and the same flourished in the country as time went on.
Bangladesh's political instability, which has repeated itself at intervals of time during periodic periods of violence and unrest, continues to have an influence on the country's growth and governance. However, the whole history of India's emergency serves as a cautionary tale, emphasizing the need for democratic institutions and laws.
The absence of the same gives rise to the potential of a dictator forming a government, and that can have many negative effects upon a country. As both cases show, political power struggles and difficulties with governance may cause significant interruptions to the democratic process in South Asian democracies.

The State of Legal Institutions in Bangladesh
The 1975 challenge to the promulgation of martial law in Bangladesh, as well as the subsequent actions taken during its implementation and the eventual incorporation of these actions into the Constitution, represents a significant juncture in the nation's political history.
The purpose of this move was to engage the court in topics that had important political consequences, therefore necessitating the Bangladesh Supreme Court to address complex constitutional questions. Given this environment, it is crucial to analyze the constitutional theories in effect and determine the proper role of the Bangladesh Supreme Court as outlined in the Constitution. 
Initially, Bangladesh's 1972 Constitution remained in force following the 1975 coup d'état, in contrast to the constitutional crises in Pakistan in 1958 and 1969, during which the 1956 and 1962 Constitutions were entirely abrogated. The Constitution was not repealed; rather, it was suspended following the declaration of martial law in 1982.
Despite the extra-constitutional interruptions, this suggests a certain degree of legal continuity. The origins of the current Constitution of Bangladesh and its potential future incarnations can still be traced back to the 1972 Constitution. Pakistan appears to have been influenced by this strategy of maintaining the Constitution rather than abrogating it during martial law, as the 1973 Constitution remained unaltered despite the implementation of martial law in 1977 and 1999.
Second, the Constitution gives the Bangladeshi Parliament two separate powers, which include the authority to amend the Constitution and the legislative ability to enact laws within its limits as prescribed by the Constitution. Furthermore, there is a need for at least a two-thirds majority in order to modify the Constitution, even though a simple majority is enough to pass regular legislation. 
The 5th (1979) and 7th (1986) Amendments, which were enacted in the wake of the revocation of martial law in 1975-1979 and 1982-1986, respectively, were significant in that they legalized the decrees that were issued during these periods of constitutional suspension. The governance structure underwent significant changes as a result of subsequent amendments, such as the 12th (1991) and 13th (1996), which included the restoration of parliamentary democracy and the establishment of an interim government to supervise elections.
Thirdly, the SC in Bangladesh had a limited authority, and the same was revolving around judicially reviewing the laws that were passed by the parliament and analysing whether the executive's actions are infringing upon the fundamental rights as per the country's constitution. These powers generally guarantee that the political branches do not exceed their constitutional authority.
Nevertheless, constitutional amendments are not subject to judicial review, as they are regarded as an exercise of constituent power rather than legislative power. The Bangladesh Supreme Court's occasional attempts to assert judicial review over constitutional amendments can be attributed to a misinterpretation of the Indian Supreme Court's judgment in the 1973 Keshavananda Bharati case, and here is when the doctrine of ‘basic structure’ was introduced into the constitution and the legal fraternity.
In order to comprehend the implications of these constitutional doctrines, it is imperative to analyse the events of 1975. A civilian figure who ascended the presidency following a coup declared martial law. The indemnity ordinance that was enacted by the subsequent Parliament, which was primarily composed of members from the overthrown government, protected the perpetrators of the coup from legal accountability. 
The Supreme Court of Bangladesh primarily refrained from debating the legality of martial law in the years preceding the 5th Amendment in 1979. Rather, it focused on the legitimacy of decrees issued under martial law, occasionally invalidating them, as demonstrated by the 1982 Khondker Moshtaque Ahmed case.
The Bangladesh Supreme Court's stance during this period can be characterized as pragmatic, as it acknowledged martial law as a fait accompli without explicitly endorsing or opposing its legality. This stands in stark contrast to the Pakistan Supreme Court's decisions following the 1958 Dosso case, which unequivocally validated martial law, resulting in recurring judicial entanglements in Pakistan's political upheavals.
The actions taken during the ascendency of martial law in Bangladesh and the subsequent constitutional amendments raise critical concerns about the balance of power between the executive and the judiciary. In this instance, the Bangladesh Supreme Court's circumspect approach is indicative of its endeavour to navigate the intricate political realities without exceeding its constitutional authority.

Challenges for the Upcoming Government
Amidst the ongoing political unrest and violence in Bangladesh, Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus—known for his innovative contributions to microfinance—is set to finalize the establishment of a transitional government. This is in response to Sheikh Hasina's resignation, which ended her 15-year tenure as prime minister. 
Yunus, who has received a recommendation from student leaders to assume leadership of the temporary government, is anticipated to return to Bangladesh in the near future to assume this new position. Prior to his return, Yunus praised the students for their bravery, describing their achievement as the "Second Victory Day," and encouraged the country to make judicious use of this triumph.
Nevertheless, the government that's incoming has substantial obstacles to face; this includes the task of an urgent conduct of an election. Presently, the Bangladeshi Constitution lacks provisions for an interim administration since it only acknowledges elected governments. This lack of a provision is a result of the 15th Amendment, which was enacted during the Awami League's tenure. 
The amendment eliminated the provision for a caretaker administration. Yunus has stated his desire to conduct elections in the next months, but analysts warn that substantial changes would be required prior to their implementation. The electoral commission, courts, and police need significant reforms to guarantee elections that are both free and fair.
Furthermore, there are apprehensions about the candidates who will participate in the elections and the duration for which the temporary administration would be in power.
An area of worry is the involvement of the military inside this temporary government. Despite the fact that the new government is intended to be civilian-centric in some sense, there are signs suggesting that the military could still play a significant role in oversight. Students who are protesting have expressed their distaste of military rule; nonetheless, the military may have a significant, if hidden, influence on stability at this time of transition.
Reestablishing law and order will be a challenging undertaking, particularly in light of the current turmoil, which has led to more than 400 fatalities during demonstrations. Despite Yunus's prominence as a public figure, his direct political experience is minimal, which raises concerns about his ability to properly handle these problems. It is imperative to safeguard basic rights, including the right to life, freedom of expression, and peaceful assembly, in order to reduce tension and avoid other acts of violence.
The new government that is coming to power would have to face the difficult task of reviving the economy of the country, which has suffered a lot following the unrest and the violence that has taken place. Looking at the country, we can see that the financial sectors have seen a downfall, and also the country has overall gone down commercially. 
This is a result of the trade sector, which has seen many disruptions and complexities. The apparel and clothing industry has suffered greatly; there is debt hanging over the country's head, poor governance in addition to widespread corruption, rising inflation rates, and a decrease in foreign exchange reserves; all of this has had a negative impact on the country's overall economy, and Bangladesh is now at a critical stage; any further damage could delay its recovery for many years. Yunus' talents and leadership will be critical in addressing these economic issues and leading the nation to stability and prosperity.

Legal Fraternity’s Reaction and Outpour
The students who are participating in the protests have received pervasive support from a variety of societal segments, despite the severity of the situation. The public has supported these young activists, recognizing them as their own offspring or junior siblings, from rickshaw pullers to university professors, and from artists to medical professionals.
The legal community has exhibited extraordinary solidarity in this climate of unrest. In these difficult circumstances, numerous attorneys have emerged to establish a superior level of service. In this context, their personal perspectives, methods of support, and motivations are investigated.
Barrister Aneek R. Haque of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, who was involved in a High Court writ petition challenging the police's actions against student demonstrators, explained the rationale behind his and his colleagues' decision to provide assistance to the students. He underscored that their support is not motivated by financial incentives but rather by a sense of obligation to their own conscience.
Furthermore, Haque emphasized and highlighted the ongoing legal violations in the country as well. He stated that detentions that have taken place were illegal under Bangladeshi law and were violative of people's rights; this is because the law forbids incarceration without a valid reason. 
Moreover, he had highlighted that proper legal process has not been followed in putting people into custody and that there have been violations of such legal provision, including the rule about being brought before a judge within a day of such arrest.
Haque has also voiced his worries about the excessive use of force by the police and the subsequent misuse of authority, saying that this kind of brutality had killed several people, including innocent bystanders. He underlined that while police must follow protocols set out to manage crowds, they have been flouted.
Prior to the filing of the aforesaid petition with the court, several legal groups and lawyers around the country had already begun offering free legal aid to students at risk of being arrested. Advocate Al Mamun Rasel, a member of the Supreme Court, said that his present support for the students is due to his direct participation in the 2013 Quota Reform Movement. He and his staff have been diligently fighting to get parole for kids who have been wrongfully charged, despite the fact that this procedure is sometimes difficult and lengthy.
The founder and convener of Progressive Lawyers Bangladesh, Sabbir Hossain Sifat, has been urging parents and guardians to act promptly when their students are detained. Along with this, he has underscored the importance of the release of such detainees before charges against them are pressed formally.
Sifat has also expressed apprehension regarding allegations that students were subjected to both physical and mental maltreatment while in detention. Despite the opposition that the lawyers are facing, the legal community as a whole is persistent in the pursuit of justice along with the ongoing events.

Frequent Asked Questions

1. What was the reason for Sheikh Hasina's departure from Bangladesh?

Sheikh Hasina departed Bangladesh as a result of the increasingly violent protests and civil unrest against her government, which were primarily led by students and civilians. Initially, the protests were initiated as a call to eliminate quotas in civil service positions; however, they rapidly transformed into a more comprehensive anti-government movement.

2. What prompted the demonstrations in Bangladesh that resulted in Sheikh Hasina's resignation?

The demonstrations in Bangladesh began when university students challenged a new reservation system that they believed was discriminatory. What started as a tiny student protest swiftly turned into widespread violence, drove by rage at Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian government. The volatility finally prompted her to flee the country.

3. What is the impact of Bangladesh's persistent political instability and violence on the country's economic and social development?

Bangladesh's social and economic development has been significantly impeded by periodic political instability. It is distinguished by the frequent occurrence of military coups, intense rivalry among the primary political parties, and frequent demonstrations. The economy of Bangladesh has the potential to develop at one of the fastest rates in the world; however, political instability, ordinary administrative challenges, economic downturns, and an increase in extremist influence have impeded progress.

4. What was the function of the Bangladesh Supreme Court during the martial law of 1975?

The Bangladesh Supreme Court declined to explicitly challenge the legality of martial law during the 1975 martial law. Rather, it concentrated on the decrees that were implemented during martial law, occasionally invalidating them. The Court recognized martial rule as a reality without openly backing or opposing it, in contrast to the Pakistan Supreme Court, which had explicitly endorsed martial law in similar circumstances.

5. What are the problems that Bangladesh's new transitional government faces?

The newly established interim administration in Bangladesh, led by Muhammad Yunus, has substantial challenges, such as the urgent task of organizing elections, implementing reforms in key institutions to ensure equitable elections, and revitalizing the presently deteriorating economy. Furthermore, there is concern about the military's possible impact on the new administration, despite its claimed civilian leadership.